Presidential candidates (Group B)

A life in government service

Ahmed Eliba interviews and profiles former Intelligence General Ahmed Hossam Khairallah, who is running for the presidency

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Ahmed Hossam Khairallah is one of 13 candidates in the race for the presidency, though he, like many others, believes that the map of that race has not yet been finalised. Khairallah expects significant changes to take place between now and 8 May, the official deadline for withdrawing from the contest, and candidates in the elections who do withdraw may well throw their support behind other candidates, which could significantly alter the playing field.

In Khairallah's view, the decision by the Presidential Elections Commission to disqualify 10 candidates from the presidential race was not politically motivated but was instead grounded in legal considerations. Foremost among those eliminated from the race were the Salafi candidate Hazem Salah Abu Ismail, the Muslim Brotherhood candidate Khairat El-Shater, and former vice president Omar Suleiman. Of the three, Suleiman was the one who showed the most respect for the ruling, Khairallah says.

He also believes that his own electoral prospects have improved since Suleiman's withdrawal. Suleiman's candidacy had narrowed the gap with the large body of opinion in the country that rejects the idea of a presidential elections candidate from a military background, and it helps in this regard that Khairallah hails from the same branch of security, the General Intelligence Service (GIS), as Suleiman. Moreover, the Islamist movements are in disarray following the disqualification of both El-Shater and Abu Ismail.

Nevertheless, the GIS has come under heavy criticism, with one Muslim Brotherhood MP charging that "it is Mubarak's intelligence service" during discussion in parliament on a bill to ban former officials from the former ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) and other members of the former regime from running for office.

Others have accused the GIS of being the "third mover" behind the chaos and disruption that has taken place in Egypt since last year's 25 January Revolution. Such allegations anger Khairallah, who served in the GIS for more than three decades and rose to the post of first deputy of the service before retirement. "These criticisms do not reflect the facts," he says. "The GIS works for the good of Egypt and without partiality for any particular political camp. Since the time of former president Anwar El-Sadat, we have been used to furnishing a range of assessments and reports, though many of these were not taken account of during the former regime and Mubarak stopped reading them in 2003. He had his own opinions, and he used those as the basis for his policies while president."

Khairallah dismisses charges that the GIS under Suleiman's direction was responsible for a number of foreign-policy failures, especially with respect to certain African and Palestinian issues. "These issues were passed to the GIS after being taken away from the foreign ministry. They were already failing when they were sent to us, so how can we be blamed for pre-existing problems," Khairallah asks, adding that many of the issues have been affected by changing circumstances, citing the case of Hamas, which has been affected by the current crisis in Syria.

With regard to plans to usher in Gamal Mubarak, Mubarak's son, as president, Khairallah says that there was virtually unanimous opposition to these plans within the GIS. "I told Suleiman about this opposition from 2004 onwards, when it looked as if the general inclination did not favour the hereditary succession scenario, but welcomed the succession of Suleiman. However, he dismissed what I said and turned a deaf ear to what he regarded as just so much talk."

If Khairallah were elected president, how would he handle national security matters? In answering this question, Khairallah says that he would not rely on the GIS or the army. Instead, "Egypt needs an expanded national security council, on the lines of the 40-member council that exists in the US. This should be made up of the best experts in Egypt, who would design strategies for the future. Meanwhile, the army, intelligence and other security agencies should perform their missions of defending the country and maintaining stability so that the economy can prosper," he says.

On the present electoral race, Khairallah observes that the huge influx of money funding the campaigns has led many to fear that this will be what sways the elections. However, he notes that it is not just the campaign coffers of the Islamist candidates that are being filled. "I won't mention any names. Let's just say that there are some candidates who are taking money from the East and others who are taking money from the West, and that some have received less than $10 million, while others have received more than $150 million. Gulf money dominates."

"I have not received any such contributions," Khairallah adds. "And I wouldn't take them if I was offered them, which I haven't been."

On the other hand, Khairallah is also certain that the ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) will not be tempted to meddle in the presidential elections. He also stressed that he has neither met with nor been contacted by anyone from the SCAF.

On the future of this body after its handing over power to a civilian authority, Khairallah is confident that it will resume its previous functions. He rejects the term "honourable exit" for the future of the SCAF, which he finds both unnecessary and insulting. "They [the members of SCAF] are not at fault. The mistakes that were made were committed by the governments, not by the SCAF. Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi will hand over power as planned, which he in any case finds a burden, even if he has talked about the need to have the constitution ready before the elections and has mentioned the slight possibility that the presidential elections may have to be postponed for six months because of the delay in drafting the constitution."

Khairallah has a campaign platform covering political, social, economic and security issues. However, he believes that the course that would be best for Egypt would be for the country to hold a comprehensive national dialogue in which all social and political forces would take part. The purpose of this would be to achieve consensus on the mechanisms to build the bridge to the future.

Several weeks ago, assistant minister of defence for economic affairs General Mahmoud Nasr said that "the military will fight to hold on to its economic interests and will never relinquish them to governmental control." The remark was greeted by a hail of criticism from economic experts, and Khairallah is also critical. "Army production is geared solely to supplying the needs of its personnel and functions," he says. "In the days of defence minister Abdel-Halim Abu Ghazala, the army entered into the production of almost anything, this experiment being met with harsh criticism because it crowded out opportunities for the civilian sector. I agree with these criticisms. As much as the army is able to achieve and as quickly as it is able to do so, the state must help develop the capacities of commercial firms and industries and work to open outlets for them abroad."

Khairallah has no fears about the capacities of the defence forces themselves, however. "Although the army has been involved in politics during the transitional phase, it has relied solely on back-up units in the streets. This did not affect its combat strength. In fact, the army's regular training schedule has been kept to throughout, and all the planned exercises have been held, which is very reassuring."

Although the security of Sinai has become a source of concern recently, Khairallah maintains that the situation is not as serious as is sometimes believed and that public alarm may stem from insufficient knowledge of the matter. "The extent of the Egyptian military presence in Sinai today is unprecedented. Before the 1967 War, there was only one division in Sinai. Today, there are four, one armoured and three mechanised. We are at peace, and this force is sufficient to maintain security in Sinai."

He takes the opportunity to point out that when discussing Egypt's relations with Israel and the 1979 peace treaty, people should bear in mind that these relations are connected with Egypt's relations with the US. "The US has a hugely important relationship with Egypt. What is important in this context is for us to maintain our national independence and not to fall into the trap of dependency. If we are able to do this, we will gain ever-greater benefits."

On the question of Gaza, Khairallah comments that "Israel wants to push this issue onto Egypt. But Israel is the occupying power, and as such it should meet its responsibilities. Egypt's responsibility is to keep the crossings with Gaza open in order to alleviate the strains of the blockade on the Palestinian people."

The recent visit by Egypt's Grand Mufti Ali Gomaa to Jerusalem sparked a barrage of criticism, but Khairallah, whose understanding of security affairs has been honed by decades of professional experience and who has visited Jerusalem three times and toured Israel several times, takes an opposite view.

"After the 1967 War, it became our practice to withdraw our delegation from any international forum if an Israeli delegation was present. The result was that we left the field clear to the Israelis to spread whatever lies occurred to them, and soon they had the international community believing whatever came out of their mouths and mistrusting whatever the Arabs said in return. After the 1973 War, we woke up to this reality and began to sit in the same conferences and voice our objections. Today, Jerusalem is being eaten away by Israel, and we need to make our presence felt on the condition that we enter the city via Jordan."

Some Egyptian Copts also recently faced criticism over a recent pilgrimage to Jerusalem on the grounds that they had broken the travel ban to Israel. Khairallah points out that this criticism could have been avoided if the pilgrims had not entered via Israeli airports, but instead had gone via Jordan, which adds no more than an hour and a half to the journey.

On religious affairs at home, Khairallah is a firm believer in the separation of religion and state. "Al-Azhar, the religious citadel of Muslims, and the Coptic Church in Egypt, should both respect the need for this separation. However, it should not be so rigid that it prevents them from stepping in to help or to offer advice on crucial issues and problems," he says.

Standing alone

Three officials from Egypt's General Intelligence Service have nominated themselves as candidates for the presidency: former vice president and former head of the service General Omar Suleiman; his assistant and former first deputy for information General Ahmed Hossam Khairallah, and General Mamdouh Qotb, former director-general of the intelligence service. Now that Suleiman and Qotb have been disqualified from the running, Khairallah is the only ex-Intelligence official running for the nation's highest office.

Although Khairallah retired in 2005, he has retained close relations with friends and colleagues from the service, both those remaining in it and those who have retired. The most recent among the latter is Suleiman, whom Khairallah has met twice since last year's 25 January Revolution. It appears that the presidential hopeful is keen to capture the supporters of both ex-colleagues and perhaps form a kind of coalition of supporters towards this end.

Khairallah seems to have been born for a life in government service. A scion of a family of security officials, his grandfather was a prominent member of the police service before the 1952 Revolution and one of the officers charged with escorting the former king Farouk, the last Egyptian monarch, out of the country on the yacht "Mahrousa" before bringing the royal yacht back to Egypt.

Khairallah's father worked his way up the ranks of the police until he reached the top of the service. He went on to become minister of the interior, in which capacity he acquired a reputation for his crackdowns on drug-trafficking and the notorious dens in Cairo's Bateniya district. Following this period spent as minister of the interior, he served as governor of Aswan. Khairallah was inspired by both these family role models, and he derived many of his guiding principles from them.

Khairallah began his own career in the Armed Forces, in which he served for 12 years before rising to the rank of major. Two years after the end of the 1973 War, in which Khairallah fought with distinction, he left the army and joined the General Intelligence Service (GIS), in which he eventually became first deputy, a civilian rank roughly equivalent to the military rank of lieutenant-general.

Highly knowledgeable of the intricacies of domestic, regional and international politics, Khairallah rarely offers information or answers a question without including a story from some part of the globe that he has most likely visited. He will often pause at length to talk about Israel, which he has frequently visited and whose towns and cities he is intimately acquainted with.

Egypt's relationship with Israel is a source of considerable concern for Khairallah, especially in view of the extent to which it is also governed by the country's relationship with the US. Khairallah has also visited Iran at various times, and he remains troubled by Tehran's regional policies. Turkey, by contrast, he regards highly, praising both its pragmatic outlook and behaviour.

Khairallah does not see himself as having any particular political axe to grind, especially as he is intimately familiar with the inner workings of politics. He is a font of information about the latter, describing the workings of the political maze in a calm and objective manner. At the same time, Khairallah favours a strong military, regarding this as a national imperative for Egypt, and he is an ardent defender of the GIS. He is friendly towards all the political forces in the country, even though he has reservations with regard to most. This applies in particular to the Muslim Brotherhood, which he believes has an insatiable craving for power.

As Khairallah readily tells interviewers, he was an observer of last year's revolution, not a participant in it, even though he had previously fought against attempts to install Gamal Mubarak, the son of the ousted former president Hosni Mubarak, as president through his work at the GIS. Khairallah stresses that the revolution marked a new starting point for Egypt and an opportunity to move forward and to build, rather than to dwell on the past.

Nevertheless, some, like Brigadier-General Safwat El-Zayat, have felt compelled to ask about Khairallah's revolutionary credentials. "Where was Khairallah during the revolution? Why is there no record of his positions," El-Zayat asks. "I was writing a daily chronicle of the revolution, and almost all the other presidential candidates are on record as having stated their positions on it. But not Khairallah. No one heard from him at all. Yet, being a politician means taking a stance, and such stances define a politician when the time comes to act."

Khairallah's former colleagues at the GIS are reluctant to talk to the media about him, explained by General Sameh Seif El-Yazal, as a result of the obligation on GIS staff to remain neutral in political matters. "The service has a position on the subject of the candidacy question itself," the general said. Indeed, in an official statement the GIS has made it clear that it "stands at an equal distance from all the candidates".

Khairallah sees his military background as a major strength of his candidacy, emphasising this in many recent statements. The people need a man who is "tough, disciplined and has the experience and skills to deal with the security situation, which has deteriorated since the revolution," he says.

The popularity of one of the other candidates, Omar Suleiman, before he was disqualified from standing has undoubtedly helped to shape this outlook. However, General Adel Suleiman, director of Egypt's International Future Studies Centre, believes otherwise. In Egypt, a military background could be a weak point for a future president, Suleiman said. "The era of military rule is over, not just in Egypt, but also around the world. Even the military establishment has come to accept that the president must come from outside the military." However, Suleiman also pointed out that Khairallah left the military a long time ago and that his post in the GIS was a civilian one.

El-Zayat agrees that a military background may not be a source of political strength for a presidential candidate. "Even if a prophet stepped forward to run as president, if he appeared dressed in a military uniform the Egyptian people wouldn't vote for him," El-Zayat commented.

Ahmed Doma, a member of the 6 April revolutionary movement, has similar feelings. Egypt's next president should not be a military man, a civilian from the former regime, or even someone affiliated with one of the Islamist movements, he says. "When we choose our next president, we must acknowledge that we have had a revolution. As a result, we need a president who had a relationship with the revolution, and this requirement fits at most three candidates: Abdel-Moneim Abul-Fotouh, Hamdeen Sabahi, and the young people's candidate Khaled Ali."

General Adel Suleiman echoes this view. "Enough of military rule," he says. "The time for this has passed. Now we must hand things on to the young people, to the generation that made the revolution. They are the ones who should now take charge, allowing them to use their will-power and energy for the good of the country."

"There is no reason why the president has to be from the military or from the security agencies in order for him to make decisions on security matters. If this were so, it would imply that the president had to be an expert on every issue he has to deal with, which is both illogical and impossible. US President Barack Obama has never been a military officer or advisor, for example. Before becoming president, he was an academic whose field was law. Yet, when Obama needs to address national security questions with the US Congress, he can discuss even the most sensitive and complicated issues in an informed and intelligent way because he has advisors who specialise in these matters."

"Egypt is in a phase of gradual transition after a revolution that demanded change in all areas of life, not just in military and national security matters."

Suleiman had a further criticism to level against Khairallah aside from his military background, and this had to do with the candidate's remarks on the corruption that exists in Egypt. "If they had important information on this matter, why did they remain silent for so long? Why has Khairallah decided to speak out against corruption today, using general slogans and clichés, if he had information about it earlier?"

In the final assessment, Khairallah has many strong points that support his candidacy for president. He is professional, knowledgeable and experienced. However, Egypt today may be looking for a president with other important qualifications, attested to by a record of political involvement and achievement. On this count, Khairallah's CV is blank. Because this has reduced his chances of rallying support from any of the country's major political forces, he has had to rely on those not having sufficient grassroots support in order to support his candidacy in Egypt's presidential race.

Long odds

Mona El-Nahhas assesses the chances of presidential contender Hisham El-Bastawisi

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Hisham El-Bastawisi is one of five left leaning presidential candidates. He first came to public attention as a reformist judge, spearheading the battle for greater judicial independence that began in 2005.

El-Bastawisi is married to Olfat El-Sahli and is father of three sons: Mohamed, Ahmed and Mustafa.

El-Bastawisi began his career in 1976, immediately after graduating in law from Cairo University, working first as a deputy prosecutor at the Customs Authority and then at the juvenile court. In the early 1990s he was delegated to the United Arab Emirates, where he worked for four years as a legal counsellor. There El-Bastawisi led the first demonstration of Egyptian judges, protesting against the suspension of two colleagues.

In 1998 El-Bastawisi joined the Court of Cassation Court and two years later was appointed deputy chief justice. He was promoted to deputy chief justice of the Cassation Court in 2000.

He led the campaign to expose electoral fraud following the 2005 parliamentary polls, speaking to the media about vote rigging and the pressure placed on supervising judges. Together with reformist judge Mahmoud Mekki, he was referred to a disciplinary tribunal in 2006, accused of tarnishing the image of the judiciary. Former justice Minister Mahmoud Abul-Leil later admitted that he had been pressed by the regime to discipline El-Bastawisi.

The treatment of Mekki and El-Bastawisi stirred a wave of anger among judges and the wider public. As the hearings proceeded strikes were staged in support of the two judges in which several political activists who took part in the demonstrations were beaten and arrested by security forces. During the course of investigations El-Bastawisi suffered a heart attack. In hospital he was visited by scores of supporters and attracted the sympathy of many ordinary citizens. Abul-Leil was among the visitors. In an attempt to head off public anger the tribunal eventually issued a softly worded reprimand.

Tired of Egypt's stultifying political situation El-Bastawisi moved to Kuwait in 2008, returning to Egypt with the outbreak of the 25 January Revolution. He participated in the 18-day occupation of Tahrir Square.

RUNNING FOR PRESIDENCY: In March 2011 El-Bastawisi revealed his intention to stand as a presidential candidate, arguing at the time that his experience as a judge meant he was in a position to enforce the rule of law, essential to any democracy. According to El-Bastawisi, only judges can practice democracy, as the judicial system is mainly based on democratic principles, on top of which is the respect of the law. So, a candidate with the characteristics of a judge, added El-Bastawisi, is most competent to introduce integrity to Egypt's political sphere.

He temporarily halted his campaign in the wake of bloody protests in Mohamed Mahmoud Street, saying it was no time to talk about the presidency while people were sacrificing their lives. In November 2011, El-Bastawisi went to Kuwait for a few months. When he returned he announced his intention to resume his electoral campaign.

In March 2012 the leftist Tagammu Party named El-Bastawisi as its presidential candidate. Party officials said El-Bastawisi joined Tagammu immediately after resigning from the judicial corps. They said he was a Tagammu member before he started his judicial career.

ELECTORAL PROGRAMME: El-Bastawisi has said that if he wins he will rule through a presidential council, including three vice presidents drawn from different political backgrounds. This council will make decisions in consensus. He has called for greater protection of human rights and the rights of minorities, and says he will promote social justice within the framework of Islamic law. He is in favour of building new agricultural and industrial communities in an attempt to redress the balance between Upper and Lower Egypt.

A central plank of El-Bastawisi's economic policy is to promote workers' stakes in the companies in which they are employed. Such empowerment, he argues, will promote increased productivity. El-Bastawisi has criticised the way in which privatisation was managed under the former regime, arguing that it served the interest of a corrupt minority at the expense of the people. He has also criticised the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces' (SCAF) performance in the transitional period, blaming the current state of chaos on the political inexperience of the military and its reliance on inadequate advice.

Assessing the current transitional period, El-Bastawisi admitted that the SCAF committed a series of "fatal mistakes" and made several flawed moves which led to the current state of chaos. El-Bastawisi attributed the poor performance of the SCAF to their lack of political experience and their dependence on advisors he described as incompetent.

El-Bastawisi did not support the holding of presidential elections before a new constitution was in place on the grounds that it would promote dictatorship. He views the current situation as a constitutional dilemma, saying a constitution must be written before institutions are built. El-Bastawisi is the only candidate who suggested the formation of a presidential council to solve the problem.

CHANCES OF SUCCESS: Political analysts see El-Bastawisi as an outsider whose presidential chances are compromised by the existence of stronger leftist candidates like Hamdeen Sabahi and Abul-Ezz El-Hariri with a higher public profile.

Amr Hashem Rabei argues that it was a mistake for El-Bastawisi, known for his opposition to the Mubarak regime, to allow himself to be linked with the Tagammu, which had adopted a host of pro-Mubarak stances. "Realising that he could not collect the 30,000 proxies required of independent candidates El-Bastawisi hurried to join the Tagammu to circumvent the rule. I think what he did is a kind of political opportunism," says Rabei.

El-Bastawisi has also been criticised by commentators for returning to Kuwait shortly after announcing his intention to run in the polls. "At a time when other presidential candidates were working hard, meeting the people and announcing their electoral programmes, El-Bastawisi was working in Kuwait and making money," points out Rabei.

Mustafa Kamel El-Sayed does not think El-Bastawisi will be able to win, citing limited campaign funding as one reason.

"A successful presidential election campaign requires financial resources beyond those El-Bastawisi and his party command," says El-Sayed. "He is also hampered by his relative lateness on the political scene."

El-Sayed thinks it was unwise for El-Bastawisi to have returned to Kuwait, losing several months of campaigning during which his competitors Abdel-Moneim Abul-Fotouh and Amr Moussa were building momentum.

"El-Bastawisi's sudden disappearance from the political scene at such critical time will cost him support," says El-Sayed.

On the outside

Reem Leila looks at some of the presidential race's no-hopers

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Abul-Ezz El-Harriri, a current member of People's Assembly and founding member of the leftist Socialist Popular Alliance, was born in 1944 in Daqahliya. He served as an MP in the 1970s for the Tagammu Party. El-Hariri graduated from a technical industrial high school in 1962. He joined the Arab Socialist Union in 1966. In the 70s he completed degrees in history and law.

El-Hariri was sentenced to jail five times during the Sadat era for his labour activism and opposition to the 1978 Camp David Treaty.

El-Hariri threw his hat in the race in late December 2011, stating he would be the "most suitable" candidate to rule the country because of what he said were his "significant political skills". The Socialist Popular Alliance Party (SPAP) officially selected El-Hariri to run for the presidency on 7 March 2012.

According to El-Hariri, a strict pricing scheme for all strategic goods would be enforced as soon as he becomes president to put an end to soaring inflation. "Most Egyptians currently spend more than half of their monthly wages on basic commodities due to mounting costs," El-Hariri said.

Even though El-Hariri is an MP, he surprisingly filed a lawsuit in the Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) arguing the parliament is unconstitutional. He also filed another lawsuit against Article 28 of the constitutional declaration issued by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in March 2011, stating that decisions of the Presidential Elections Commission cannot be appealed.

Hassan Nafaa, political analyst and professor of political science at Cairo University, said that although El-Hariri has spent many years in parliament and political life in general, he might not win the elections due to challenges from other leftist presidential candidates Khaled Ali and Hamdeen Sabahi. "El-Hariri lacks experience in foreign affairs, in addition to his strong opposition to Israel and the United States. These two points could very possibly make him lose the presidential race. The country at this time is in dire need of a qualified president with high political potential," Nafaa said.

Mahmoud Hossam was born in Alexandria in 1964. A former police officer, he graduated from the Police Academy in 1958. Between 1992 and 1994 he worked for the UN's Middle Eastern Human Rights Department. Hossam is currently head of the Al-Bedaya Party which groups members of the dismantled National Democratic Party (NDP).

Hossam submitted his presidential credentials to the Presidential Elections Commission on 9 April with the support of 40,000 public endorsements when 30,000 were enough. He then told the press he had short-term and long-term political agendas.

He says his short term agenda includes returning security to the streets and ridding the police system of corruption. "It is essential to build cooperation and trust between the people and the police," says Hossam.

In the longer term he says he will focus on ways to create new jobs, increase production, revive the agricultural sector and improve health and education systems. "I realise that my chances of winning might be weak, due to strong competition from veteran political figures, yet I have easily obtained the trust of 40,000 people. This gives me confidence and great hope in making them 40 million people," Hossam said.

Al-Ahram Centre for Political and Strategic Studies political analyst, MP Emad Gad, writes off Hossam's chances of success as close to nil.

"Hossam does not have any solid political experience. He has spent most of his life as a police and lacks any real experience in foreign, regional and domestic affairs," says Gad.

Abdallah El-Ashaal was born in Sharqiya in 1945. He graduated from Cairo University's Faculty of Economics and Political Sciences and completed a PhD in international law at Alexandria University. In 1968 he joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, serving as Egypt's ambassador to Bahrain, Greece, Jeddah, Nigeria and Saudi Arabia. A former assistant to the foreign minister and head of the ministry's strategic planning committee, he went on to found the liberal Misr Al-Hurra (Free Egypt) Party which calls for a civil state based on parliamentary democracy.

Though El-Ashaal insists he is a secular candidate he is being fielded by the Salafist Al-Asala Party.

El-Ashaal resigned from the Foreign Ministry because he was against what he described as the corrupt policies of the former regime. He said his electoral programme called "The National Revival of Egypt Project" would focus on eliminating all symbols of the former regime. El-Ashaal said he will work on improving the agricultural sector "as it has been suffering many deficiencies for decades," as well as reviving national projects as that of Toshka and Al-Salam canals. He also announced he would eliminate unemployment in only four years. The potential presidential candidate will also work on revising the treaty which governs the import of Egyptian natural gas to Israel. According to El-Ashaal Egypt's resources are only for Egyptians.

"I will also call on Egyptians living abroad to initiate a special fund in Egypt through which they can invest their money inside the country in order to revive the Egyptian economy," El-Ashaal said.

El-Ashaal, says Nafaa, lacks any support base, and given his announcement that he was willing to pull out of the race in favour of Khairat El-Shater, is unlikely to be viwed by many voters as a serious candidate.

Mohamed Fawzi was born in 1945. A former police officer, Fawzi graduated from Ain Shams University's Faculty of Law. He worked in the Upper Egypt village of Nagaa Hammadi in the police investigations department, later becoming head of Salamout City Council. The Geel Democratic Party nominated Fawzi who presented his presidential documents to the Presidential Elections Commission in April.

Fawzi told the press that security on the country's streets would top his electoral agenda. At the same time, the economic core, Fawzi said, is extremely important. "We should start benefiting from Egypt's natural and rich resources such as mountains of gold, and oil, phosphate and other resources. Egypt's economic movement forward will encourage the world to respect us.

"Competition between presidential candidates should be based on each one's ideas, concepts and plans, not personal fame. I decided to join the race not to win but to present my ideas to the public and whoever wins can apply them," Fawzi said.

Fawzi's electoral programme will focus not only on education but on raising future generations properly. "I believe in straightening matters, especially security and education, and eradicating corruption prevalent everywhere. This would be followed by implementing national projects to accomplish economic stability in the country."

Due to a lack of financial resources Fawzi said he did not expect to win. "I don't receive any financial support from any party or authority. I am depending on myself. I call upon other presidential candidates to reveal the financial sources of their electoral campaigns," argued Fawzi.

Gad rates Fawzi's chances of winning as extremely low. "I doubt he has any chance. People do not know him, and he has minimal awareness of politics and foreign affairs."

 Presidential candidates' wives concerning public work

Meet the spouses

Reem Leila presents what people want to know about the potential first ladies

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Amani El-Ashmawi -- wife of Mohamed Selim El-Awwa

Born in Cairo, El-Ashmawi is a famed writer for children. She has won several awards for children's novels. She has more than 40 books, including O Plane Fly High written in 2011. El-Ashmawi graduated from the Faculty of Law. She is El-Awwa's second wife after his first wife died. She has been married since the 1990s.

According to El-Ashmawi, El-Awwa's run for the presidency has seriously affected her family, however, she is supporting him. "I believe Egypt in this critical time is in dire need of a president who follows God's instructions and abides by them. The task of the first president after the revolution will be a very tough one," El-Ashmawi said.

At the same time, El-Ashmawi said if her husband won she will not take on any social projects as did former first ladies. "I will perform my duty as wife of the president, but not the country's first lady. There is nothing called first lady either in the Egyptian constitution or the law," added El-Ashmawi.

El-Ashmawi said she had the utmost respect for the wives of Turkey's Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Turkey's President Abdullah Gul. "They are Muslim wives who are performing their role perfectly without having any social or political activities."

Seham Negm -- wife of Hamdeen Sabahi

A graduate of Cairo University's Faculty of Commerce in 1976, Negm married potential president Hamdeen Sabahi in 1979. Negm is an activist and founder of the Women's Association, an NGO which calls for women's rights especially in eradicating illiteracy. She is also a counsellor for UNESCO on education for adults.

Sabahi's decision to run in the presidential elections was not a surprise to either Negm or the family. According to Negm, Sabahi took the decision back in 2008, however, the idea was postponed "because the political atmosphere was unhealthy and was not going to allow him to run. We feared the regime's tyranny," she said.

Negm believes Sabahi stands a good chance of winning the presidential elections on 23-24 May. "Exciting surprises will take place in the coming days. Every single hour something new happens. Sabahi is supported by many liberals, media people and actors. He can inspire youth. His background is clean. He has never benefited from the powers he used to enjoy when he was a member of parliament in 2005. He will not make use of his wealth to win the presidential seat," Negm said.

Unlike El-Ashmawi, Negm believes that the wife of Egypt's future president must have a significant role to play in society. "A president's wife can serve society on the social level without interfering in political life. A president's wife does not have the right to interfere in the country's policies. She also should not have any kind of power in order not to harm the country's welfare," Negm said.

Naglaa Mahmoud -- wife of Mohamed Mursi

Born in 1962 in Sharqiya governorate, Mahmoud settled in the Ain Shams district in Cairo. She married Mursi in 1979. Mahmoud and her family moved to New Cairo three years ago.

After finishing school, she studied translation in the US in Los Angeles and worked as an interpreter. Mahmoud's children Ahmed and Shaimaa were born in the US and have US nationality. "However, since they returned to Egypt two decades ago they did not go back to America," Mahmoud said.

Mahmoud is positive that a Muslim Brotherhood (MB) candidate will win the presidential elections in the first round without the need for a run-off. "None of the current candidates is better than those of the MB," Mahmoud said. "Any MB candidate will be able to take big strides towards progress.

"The MB has a comprehensive project called 'The Development of Egypt', a system according to which health, education, investment and the economy are to be developed and improved for the sake of the country."

Mahmoud agreed with El-Ashmawi that the wife of the country's upcoming president should not have a role on the political or social level. "Islam taught us that people's rulers are their servant, like the wife. She should serve and help her husband, exactly as the husband is serving the public. Any innovated titles such as Egypt's first lady is rejected."

Laila Badawi -- wife of Amr Moussa

She graduated from Alexandria University's Engineering Faculty and was appointed a faculty member. Badawi shuns public life but is involved in many activities among them the environment. She believes that living in a clean and healthy environment is a central right of people.

Badawi has told the media that a wife must carry burdens in order to help her husband in performing his job. She spends most of her time taking care of her family.

She hopes Egypt would be able to recapture its leading role in the world in the near future.

Aliaa Khalil -- wife of Abdel-Moneim Abul-Fotouh

She is a gynaecologist who does not intend to have any public role if her husband wins.

the first lady will be from these ladies..

We spoke about the man who will be the next but we have not spoken about the lady who will be and thus here is my attempt to gather some info about the future First lady of Egypt. There is no particular order for this list that included only the top presidential candidates’ wives to save your time as well mine.

 

Laila Badawy

Laila  ,Moussa and their granddaughter
Amina 

Laila Badawy is the wife of Amr Moussaand she is familiar with protocols after living decades as a wife of diplomat. Laila descends from famous family , her uncle is famous constitutional law guru Tharwat Badawy.
As a fresh graduate of Faculty of engineering “University of Alexandria”  she married young diplomat Moussa and moved with him to New York where he was working in 1968 in the Egyptian commission in UN.
She completed her studies in the US then gave birth to her children Hazem and Hania then she continued to have studies whether in Cairo university or university of Columbia. When Moussa was our ambassador in India , she was a volunteer in University of Delhi.
She is a very beautiful lady who descends from rich family. Her photos can be seen in the lifestyle magazines from time to time in Egypt. She is active in charity. She is also a member in some Lions clubs if I am not mistaken. She is well known as “Laila Hanem” in close circles yet despite this title reminds some with Suzanne Mubarak still in very few statements to the media , Laila Badawy made sure that she will not be involved in politics. Badawy and Mousa are grandparents. 

Azza Tawfik

Late Azza Tawfik 

Azza Tawfik was the late wife ofAhmed Shafik, a daughter of former minister and free officer who has just passed away from less than month ago after long battle with Cancer. Shafik did not speak that much about his wife , the mother of his three daughters despite he looked sad in some interviews right after her death. He only took 3 days off his campaign before returning back on track.
Personally I can’t imagine how he went on campaigning whether in her last days or even in the time he should mourn her yet I respect that he did not use his sickness or marriage to win sympathy. “I remember John Edwards” 

Aliaa Khalil

Aliaa Khalil is the wife of Abdel Moneim Abu El Fotouh . Khalil met Abu El Fotoh and married in their last year in faculty of medicine , Cairo university through friends. Abu El Fotoh was the last one to get married from Islamists group in the university and contrary to what you think she is not from the Muslim brotherhood.  

Aliaa Khalil 

Khalil is a practicing gynecologist who got a private practice and a mother of 3 daughters who are all doctors as well 3 sons.
Abu El Fotoh made it clear if his wife is elected as a president will not have any role except meeting. Dr. Aliaa Khalil's first appearance in one her husband's campaign rallies was last Wednesday , in an event called "Egyptian Lady". She was seated between actors Athar El Hakim and Hanan Turk.
Abu El Fotoh and Khalil are grandparents , one of their of their grandchildren is called Yara. 

Abu El Fotouh with his family 

By the way  Abu El Fotoh’s family has recorded a TV interview with some channel that will be aired soon.

Naglaa Hashim

Naglaa and Khalid 

Naglaa Hashim is Khaled Ali’s wife. Born in 1977 , Hashim is considered the youngest among all those ladies. She works as a human rights activist and researcher in El Nadeem Center.
She believes her husband will have a better real chance in 2016 elections.
She is also a mother of Omar “8 years” and Amina “3 years”. Omar and Amina are also the youngest among the presidential candidates’ offspring.

Siham Nagm

Nagm 

Siham Nagm is the wife of Hamdeen Sabbahi.Originally from Port Said , she lived through the

 1956 and 1967 wars in the city.

  She was graduated from

 the faculty of commerce , Cairo 

University in 1977. She works as

education expert and heads the 

“Arab network for educating illiterates Adults”. 

The Sabbahis

She welcomed her husband’s candidacy yet 

she made it clear that she refuses to be “First lady” instead she will help

 her in her specialty.Nagam is a

 mother of Ahmed “a director” and

 Salma “ a TV host and singer”. 

Naglaa Mahmoud

Naglaa Mahmoud 

Naglaa Mahmoud is the wife ofMohamed Morsi ,the candidate of MB. Naglaa Mahmoud married Morsi in 1979. She studied translation and worked as a translator while she was in the States with her husband. She gave birth to Shaimaa and Mohamed there in the States.
She believes that the first lady should not have a role on the political or social level. She believed that her husband would be a better prime minister than president.
She was born in 1962. There is a big chance that she may be the upcoming First lady of Egypt.
She is the only lady to appear in her husband’s campaign rally. She spoke to the official newspaper of Freedom and Justice Party.

 

Amani Hassan El Ashamawy

El Ashmawy after winning an award in UAE

Mohamed Salim El Awa’s current wife is Amani Hassan El Ashmawy who is specialized in children literature and already penned several children books. The graduate of law school already descends of a very political family with Muslim brotherhood roots. Her dad was the famous defected MB member Hassan El Ashmawy. Her cousins are judge Noha El Zeiny and Judge Ashraf El Ashmawy. By all measures her family is from the very interesting families in Egypt. She is an award winning children book author.
El Ahmawy already appeared on Tahrir TV and spoke about husband and how he loves to was dishes and eat foul “beans”. She made it clear that she refuses the title “First Lady” adding that she will continue in writing books for children. Mrs. El Ashamawy is the second wife of Mohamed El Awa. His first wife was Dr. Asmahan Tawfik El Nunu who passed after long battle with cancer in 1992. El Nunu descended from a very rich family.
El Awa got 3 daughters and 2 sons , the most famous one of them is Fatimah El Awa who announced her endorsement for Mohamed ElBaradei in 2010. Also her sister Mariam El Awa is married from the son of famous judge Tarek El Bishary and currently lives in UK where she studies to get a PHD. El Awa’s sons live abroad ; Mohamed works as pharmacist and lives in US while Abdel Hamid works as dentist and lives in UK.
El Awa also got 3 stepsons

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It is noticeable that none of these ladies have been featured in the media except may be Mrs. Mohamed Salim El Awa and  Mrs. Mohamed Morsi and it is noticeable that almost all the presidential candidates have made it clear that there will be no first lady’s role in the upcoming presidential term except in a very narrow way only related to the protocols including the very liberal candidates like Amr Moussa.
There is no secret that the role of Egypt’s first lady will be minimized in the upcoming republic at least for awhile in order to make the Egyptians forget how Suzanne Mubarak used to interfere in politics in Egypt.